Gegen die neue Regierung die Arbeiter/innen-Einheitsfront aufbauen!

FB711-wahl-DOWNLOAD.pdf

FB711-wahl-DOWNLOAD.doc

Nach den Nationalratswahlen vom Oktober 2017 zeichnet sich ab, dass die (konservative) ÖVP weiter in der Regierung bleibt und statt der (sozialdemokratischen) SPÖ die (offen rassistische) FPÖ Einfluss und Ministerien gewinnen wird. Noch stärker als früher wurden diesmal politische Popstars statt Programme und Wahlversprechungen gewählt. Der voraussichtliche neue Kanzler Kurz (OVP) ist seit vielen Jahren Regierungsmitglied (und hat in seinen Ministerien keine Erfolge gebracht), trat jedoch vor den Wahlen als „radikaler Erneuerer“ (a la Macron) auf. Aber absurderweise ist das einzige, was in der neuen Regierung sicher gleich bleibt, die ÖVP mit ihrem offensiven neoliberalen Programm des Lohn- und Sozialabbaus.

Die FPÖ hat bei den Wahlen deutlich Stimmen gewonnen – vor allem auf Kosten früherer Protestparteien (einschließlich der Grünen). Die FPÖ ist die einzige Parlamentspartei mit einem stabilen faschistischen Flügel. Etwa 40% der gewählten FP-Abgeordneten sind gleichzeitig Mitglied in rechtsradikalen Burschenschaften, der Parteiführer war in seiner Jugend in faschistischen Wehrsportgruppen aktiv. Dabei ist wichtig, dass die Mehrheit der FPÖ-Wähler/innen nicht diese Partei gewählt hat, um einen faschistischen Kurs zur Abschaffung der parlamentarischen Demokratie zu unterstützen. Aber es stört sie nicht, dass Faschisten in der FPÖ mitbestimmen und dass die Partei seinerzeit von Hitleranhängern (ehemaligen NSDAP-Mitgliedern) gegründet wurde.
Gegen die neue Regierung die Arbeiter/innen-Einheitsfront aufbauen! weiterlesen

Advertisements

Jahrestag der Novemberpogrome 1938: Bekämpft Antisemitismus!

FB711-pogrom-A5

FB711-pogrom-A5

Vor 79 Jahren wurden in der Woche um den 9. November ca. 400 Men­schen er­mor­­det und ca.30.000 in Konzentrationslager verschleppt. Zahlreiche Sy­nagogen und jüdische Friedhöfe wurden verwüstet, Geschäfte und Wohnungen ge­plündert und zerstört…

Die faschistischen Novemberpogrome des Jahres 1938 stellen einen Einschnitt in der Geschichte Österreichs (und Deutschlands) dar. Der in der ös­ter­reichischen Ge­sell­schaft „normale“ und Jahrhunderte lang übliche und gehegte Anti­semi­tis­mus, der Hass, die Diskriminierung und Ausgrenzung von jüdischen Menschen mün­dete während des deutschen Nazi-Faschismus in eine syste­matische Ver­fol­gung, eine planmäßige und industrielle Vernichtung eines Großteils der euro­pä­i­schen Jüdinnen und Ju­den im gesamten Machtbereich des NS-Staates während des Zweiten Weltkriegs.

Jahrestag der Novemberpogrome 1938: Bekämpft Antisemitismus! weiterlesen

Capitalist Restoration in the Soviet Union – Causes, Effects and our Answers for the Movement

ATH3 KapRest ENG

October Revolution Congress Athens, Topic 3:

Capitalist Restoration in the Soviet Union – Causes, Effects and our Answers for the Movement

IA*RKP Austria (Oct. 2017)

In the Soviet Union, the first socialist country of the world, nearly 50 years after seizing power by the proletariat capitalism was definitely restored and politically stabilized as the economic order. It was the form of bureaucratic state capitalism that many did not recognize as a capitalist order of exploitation until it was replaced by a classic form of capitalism. We name the 20th party congress in 1956 as the date of irrevocable restoration when a new bourgeoisie from the ranks of the CPSU seized all power and chased into underground or destroyed all opponents – revolutionary communists as well as opposing petty bourgeois careerists and profiteers in the apparatus of state and economy.

When searching for the causes for this change, this counter-revolution or its political completion, we must go far back – to the beginnings of communist workers movement. We must deal with theoretical as well as practical questions. For, it’s truly certain that – despite all adversities – the first socialist state made big progress on the road of the working class in their struggle for liberating mankind from exploitation and oppression. But both the theoretical fundamentals for the real construction of socialism in a single country und further steps towards a classless society had to be transformed from up to then rather abstract formulas and principles of Marxism into practical actions, shaped into concrete aims of class struggle and tested and enhanced in social reality. On the other hand, the real political, economic, social, and cultural etc. conditions in Russia or later Soviet Union and world-wide forced them to make fundamental and far-reaching decisions within very short time in situations without any or nearly no reliable experience in that field. They could not walk along beaten tracks!

Before we get to the points we (as IARKP Austria – Initiative for the construction of a revolutionary communist party) want to stress I want to emphasize something well-known: Socialism i.e. the first phase after seizing the political power – often called lower stage of communism by Marx (“each one according to their effort” and with all birthmarks of the old capitalist society) – socialism is a transitory society from capitalism to communism. Therefore there must be strong driving forces to advance this transition at all. This also means that with dwindling driving forces – both subjective and objective ones, both interior and exterior ones – socialism must go bust and be buggered, more or less by itself. Socialism – even more in a single country – is no conveyor belt or elevator where you simple need to enter to get lifted.

We think it’s very important to stress that in a social and economic situation as in the whole 20the century the socialist construction will stop at once and (at least) a creeping diffusion of capitalist elements will take place if the working class under the leadership of the Communist Party do not advance class struggle day in, day out. At least under the conditions of the 20th century and of today, you will simply be swept away by the capitalist surge if you do not stem against it collectively and united.

1. Let’s start with an important issue that has concerned and strained the whole communist movement of the 20th century, the issue of historical progress and historical determinism.

Since there existed no practical experience in construction of Socialism (apart from the few weeks of Paris commune in 1871) all well-known socialist and communist theorists – not only Marx and Engels described Socialism/Communism as a social formation following after capitalism in history – and being in a historical sense more or less the logical advancement in the history of mankind. So e.g. the Manifesto of the Communist Party, at the end of the 1st chapter reads, “The bourgeoisie first of all produce their own gravediggers. Their downfall is inevitable as the victory of the proletariat.” At the beginning of the 1st chapter there is indeed a historical hint that class struggle can also end “with the joint downfall of the fighting classes” but that was always missed out by the communist movement. Some 50 years after the publication of the “Manifesto” Lenin wrote harsh critiques against the right-wing social-democratic theorists of the 2nd International first of all against the reformism and ultra-imperialism of Kautsky. But just to mention one example Lenin did never criticize the pseudo logical and historical deterministic argumentation of Kautsky’s assertion: As the working class represents the majority of the population in industrialized countries in 1900 Socialism be ineluctable, inevitable. (“The Road to Power”, chapter 6: “Growth of the revolutionary elements“, in German)

In the middle of the 1930ies Stalin states: Since the capitalists in the Soviet Union were completely expropriated the bourgeoisie as a class be liquidated and so Socialism could only be destroyed by the imperialist encirclement (and their agents). So also in his speech about the Soviet Constitution at the 8th soviet congress he e.g. said, “all exploiting classes are liquidated.” (German brochure p.15)

That was an embodiment of a mechanistic approach to the issues of a transitory society and smoothed the road for 1956.

In fact the imperialist pressure and not least the attack and war of the German army formed an important exterior framework, influence and trigger for neglecting, disregarding or ignoring certain tasks of socialist construction. But the restoration of capitalism took place on the basis of interior contradictions – and that was actually inconceivable not only for the CPSU but for nearly the whole communist movement of the world.

Communists have totally overlooked or immoderately underrated this danger for decades. When the 19th Party Congress of CPSU in 1952 explicitly stated and criticized that a new caste of privileged party bosses had emerged it was presumably too late to change tack – and obviously there weren’t any relevant and sufficient forces in CPSU that would have been able to prevent the complete restoration of capitalism. Communists mainly used the hints given by Lenin about the material basis of bureaucracy in socialism and the effects in superstructure of petty bourgeois production (esp. agricultural petty bourgeoisie) and the bourgeois tradition not yet overcome, but did not really understand what was happening before their own eyes.

10 years passed until CP of China (CPC) really started to deal scientifically with the issue of a state bureaucratic capitalist class emerging right from the ranks of the CP (Polemics on the General Line 1963) and put into practice the theoretical conclusions during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in China 1966 to 1976 – until this movement was brutally stopped by the new rulers, the capitalist road-runners. A decisive new development in GPCR was laying stress on the conscious element and primacy of politics in socialist construction.

2. We find a close connection between the alleged irreversibility of socialism (especially after victory over fascism and construction of several people’s democratic states in Europe and Asia) and errors concerning issues of socialist economy that can only briefly be dealt with here. Regarding the discussion in the early 1950ies I want to refer to Stalin’s text “Economic Problems of Socialism…” and the “Textbook of Political Economy” (Moscow 1954) which e.g. in the 3rd deals with the “socialist method of production”. In this latter text you find e.g. the sentence, “After the victory of socialism and liquidation of exploitation of human by human there don’t exist any hostile, antagonistic classes or irreconcilable class contradictions in the Soviet Union any longer”. (German ed., Berlin 1955, p.423) In the Textbook they also uncritically take over the categories by Marx in “The Capital” analyzing capitalism und do not try to grasp scientifically the dynamics of socialist production process on the road from “each one according to their effort” to “each one according to their needs”. So we find in the Textbook no passage or even chapter pointing at the forces of commodity production driving back to capitalism, nor the effects of (still continuing) bourgeois law. The fact that Stalin in person expressed his position on the “Economic Problems …” shows what a fierce and unclear discussion took place already at that time when the “Textbook on Political Economy” was discussed and edited.

It took no less than 20 years before during the GPCR in China the textbook “Fundamentals of Political Economy” was published in Shanghai in 1975, where in volume 2(Socialism) they try to learn from the experience in Suviet Union and China and draw lessons on a theoretical level. This book was well translated into English in 1977 (Fundamentals of Political Economy, transl. & ed. George Wang) but it was not widely noticed in the movement before the re-publishing of volume 2 about Socialism in New York 1994 under the title of „Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road to Communism – the Shanghai Textbook“, at a time however when the revolutionary communist was already on decline. This Textbook argues that socialism is a transitory society from capitalism to communism, and class struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie takes place during the whole period also in economic fields.

A key statement on this point reads, “In socialist society the exploiting class still exists further on as a class although they have lost their means of production. After the socialist transformation of the ownership of means of production has been basically completed the existence of classes is linked to the economic conditions of the people before the socialist transformation and to their political positions in the struggle between the socialist and the capitalist road” (…) and “there are permanently emerging new bourgeois elements among the working classes”. (Germ.ed. Vienna 2006, p.7)

The Textbook e.g. directly points at issues of socialist commodity production, “Cooperation between socialist enterprises must adopt the form of commodity exchange and stick to the principle of equal exchange – what comprises bourgeois law and the feeding ground for producing capitalism”. (ibid.)

It’s fascinating and depressing at the same time the authors of “Shanghai Textbook” quite prophetically predicted what would happen after 1976 – after seizing power by the capitalist road-runners – when the proletarian revolutionary line would be replaced by the pro-capitalist line of unfolding commodity production and focusing on the development of the forces of production as the only criteria. Today we clearly see where this has led to!

In a former socialist country restoration of capitalism mostly happens in a sneaky way and its proponents and fore-runners are bureaucratic rulers within the Communist Party who convert into a new bourgeoisie – not only because of political but also economic mistakes and errors during socialist construction.

The negative effects of capitalist restoration in Soviet Union and 20 years later in China are still devastating and massively obstruct the construction of revolutionary communist parties – what can only be tackled in the mid of class struggle, in real mass struggles especially of the working class and through winning the most conscious fighters for the cause of communism.

The revolutionary communist movement can only make progress if we can and do also explain in detail and make clear why (and because of which errors) the communist movement failed in the 20th century. Without opening our eyes to this issue, without profound and understandable criticism especially on Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Revisionism we will unavoidably have permanent trouble when trying to intervene in and lead class struggles because the bourgeoisie and various bourgeois and petty bourgeois currents will discredit us successfully – with the accusation playing a big role that historically we had verifiably failed, communism and “Stalinism” had undeniably broken down etc.

During the 1960ies and 70ies there was big hope in the global Marxist-Leninist movement that we could succeed in unmasking Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Revisionism and eclipsing it in ongoing movements and class struggle. Indeed, in several countries Marxist-Leninist forces could take the lead in struggle, at least for some time. But if we look back we notice that this happened only in a few countries and nearly everywhere only a few years passed until the Moscow-Revisionists of various shades had again a stronger influence than those organizations really based on Marxism-Leninism including the further development by CPC in the GPCR (Mao Zedong Thoughts). The decline of Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Revisionists after the breakup of Soviet Union has not led to a situation where the revolutionary communists now had free way ahead (as many thought). Both in countries with developed class struggle and in such as Austria where the working class movement is mainly domesticated by “social partnership” and on social democratic rails nearly everywhere the revisionists oriented on the rotten CPSU are still stronger or equally strong within the forces of class struggle as the revolutionary communists. Through the eyes of many militant colleagues our organizations are not more than quarrelling detachments of one current that found its end with the breakup of Soviet Union, at least in Europe.

We must win the most class conscious colleagues for communism in the mid of struggles in the streets and factories. This goes on e.g. by putting forward correct and progressive slogans in struggle and trying to introduce and establish them in unities of action. But doing that we must never neglect criticizing revisionism; on the one hand we must make clear why e.g. an anti-monopolist strategy will lead the movement into defeat; on the other hand we must always make clear that socialism in the Soviet Union did not end in 1990 but already in 1956 and that the same mistakes, that spread since 1936 also destroyed socialism in China. Only when following a clear and scientific position against restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union completed in 1956 – and not starting at that time – we will be able to give compelling arguments also on history.

100 years since October 1917 – the socialist revolution inspires, teaches and leads

ATH2+ 100 years OctRev ENG

October Revolution Congress Athens, Topic 2:

100 years since October 1917

the socialist revolution inspires, teaches and leads

IA*RKP Austria (11 October 2017)

October revolution was a leap forward in human history and deeply influenced the events of the 20th century for it did not only lead to fundamental changes in Russia. Their bourgeois-democratic content was: purging the social situation of the country from medieval structures, from serfdom and feudalism. Furthermore it also opened the perspective for the whole mankind that a new world is possible. October revolution showed how working people in power are able to construct a new, socialist society based on the dictatorship of the proletariat on the ruins of the old society, a society liberated from capitalist suppression and exploitation. This outstanding step in human history, that was accomplished by the Bolsheviks under Lenin’s leadership fighting a hard ideological and political struggle as well as doing arduous organizational work, all this was the result of tackling revolution strategically: correctly handling the issue of political power as well as fundamental questions of revolution linked with correct tactical solutions, both of which being of great relevance for guiding the masses. This means: linking Marxist theory and praxis based on a materialistic conception of history, the principles of social development in a certain country, as well as intensive political mass work together with the oppressed, especially the working class. For they are the revolutionary subject in a capitalist-imperialist society as Russia already was in 1917. October revolution also deeply influenced the further events of the 20th century: two imperialist wars, destruction of fascism by the Red Army of the Soviet Union guided by Stalin and revolutions and insurrections in the colonial and dependent countries, first of all in China and in the imperialist metropole countries (as e.g. in the 1920ies and 30ies but also in 1968).

The October revolution smashed the giant peoples’ prison of tsarist Russia, made an important step on the road to fully equal rights for women, and guaranteed freedom and self-determination to the oppressed nations as well as national and religious minorities. October revolution and the achievements of socialist construction show us that even today there is no alternative to a socialist revolution and construction of the dictatorship of the proletariat against the dictatorship of neo-liberal finance monopolies. The October revolution in 1917 was and is a shining path to the liberation of mankind from the yoke of capital and reactionary and imperialist wars.

In the last 100 years the imperialist bourgeoisie have again and again tried to vilify the existence of the socialist Soviet Union (1917 – 1956) under the leadership of Lenin and then Stalin by means of military aggression and all kinds of conspiracies, direct or indirect, as well as large-scale anti-communist propaganda crusades. The reactionaries portray socialism as inhumane and criminal. In contradiction to that, however, the conscious revolutionary and progressive elements of the working class stick to the banner of October revolution and its teachings as well as the achievements of socialist construction.

100 years later however the situation has become complicated and in favour of the bourgeoisie – this means: a weak development of the working class movement and class struggles and an aggressive advance of neo-liberal politics and economy against working people and oppressed peoples and nations. Despite many defeats and backlashes suffered by the working class and communist movement, the construction of communist parties is the immediate task of communist forces and their allies so-that the active revolutionary subject gets in a position to intervene in favour of the working class in present class struggles in a situation of aggravated, repeated crises immanent to the system and to resist the potential danger of an emerging fascism.

The lessons of October revolution are no abstract outdated findings or only relevant for Russia at that time how some people want to distort them. On the contrary, they are in their outline topical more than ever, and they are highlighting the road for us in regard of the coming ideological, political, and organizational issues of the working class to be in a position to solve them according to the new situation.

Although the capitalist-imperialist global system has changed quantitatively it has stayed more or less the same in a qualitative sense. As far as possible within the framework of this meeting we will try to point out the most important and still relevant elements of the October revolution and deepen our critical approach.

The first element and very important for further analyses is the still existing character of the bourgeois-imperialist system that is fully reactionary in all aspects. We must ask ourselves if this system – that was scientifically explained by Lenin in his book “Imperialism – the Highest Stage of Capitalism” in spring of 1916, as the beginning of a new era of imperialism because of the economic and political changes from capitalism of free competition to monopoly capitalism – if this opinion is already outdated representing an old and finished story?

We say: No! The most important aspects that were described by Lenin in this book as characteristics of imperialism are still prevailing and define the political events of our time. Our Marxist-Leninist analysis of society is based on them. We do not want to go into detail – we have explained it several times e.g. in “Proletarian Revolution” magazine no.70 of July this year.

But we state that the era we are living in is still the era of imperialism and socialist revolution. Some pseudo-Marxists may regard Lenin’s theory of imperialism as outdated but what they themselves offer are concepts not going further than reforming the existing system. Moreover among the critics there are also those aggressive advocates of the system such as Fukuyama, Huntington and their sorts who glorify the capitalist-imperialist system and justify the wars, exploitation, misery, poverty and a lot of other social nuisance as well as environmental destruction produced by it. Both currents pursue the same goal that is the protection of the existing capitalist-imperialist system and fighting all sort of revolutionary change.

The second element is the question of agitation and the construction of a class organization. As Lenin put it in his text “What to be done?”. “The main topic shall be three questions: the question about the character and the main contents of our political agitation, our organisatorial tasks, the plan for the construction of a militant All-Russian organization tackled from various sides at the same time.”

Referring to these teachings we are also nowadays in a position to counter rightwing and leftist opportunism in theory and in constructing the revolutionary organization, against the negation of the necessity of a violent revolution (at present fashionable among the so-called “leftists”) and to counter them based on the teachings of October revolution.

Considering the current situation – objectively the relative stagnation of the working class movement and subjectively the non-existence of a revolutionary workers party in Austria and other countries, as well as the betrayal, the renegadism and transmutation of many former leftists and communists into fans of bourgeois democracy in general and the increasing growth of reactionary nationalist and islamist currents in dependent and neo-colonial countries – in such a situation the imperialists and their lackeys intensify repression against leftist and communist forces. They also give massive support for the construction of political islamism in various shapes such as the Taliban, Al-Qaida or Daesh (ISIS) etc. On account of this situation the communist and progressive forces of the working class all over the world are obliged more than ever to resort to these teachings explained in texts such as “What to be done?” or “Two Tactics of Social Democracy in Democratic Revolution” and “One Step forward, Two Steps Back”. They give the essence of long agitatorial and organizational work, decision making, finding right tactics and so they form the fundamental theoretical and ideological basis of (former) Social Democrats (now Communists) for success of first bourgeois-democratic revolution then socialist October revolution. We can creatively adopt them in principle for the present situation that is obviously more complicated and multifaceted.

The third element and even one of the most important lessons of October revolution is the answer to the question of the state and revolution and, connected with it, the question of political power. Lenin wrote in his preface to the 2nd edition of “The State and Revolution” in August 1917 as follows: The question of the relations of the socialist revolution of the proletariat to the state is getting not only practical-political relevance but also highly topical relevance as a question of explaining the masses what they have to do in nearest future to liberate themselves from the yoke of capital.” The tampering of Marxist theory of the state is continuing just as 100 years ago done by Kautsky and other opportunists. Some so-called “leftists” and “communists” of today even assert that the state in a “neo-liberal society” be something neutral and being transformed into an element standing above the classes and “keeping order” and being irrelevant. They put it synonymous with certain governments of various wings of the bourgeoisie that come and go every four years. Those governments only serve as a front court of the bourgeoisie with the finance capital making the most important decisions behind the scenes. They replace class struggle by protests of civil society und so negate the working class as a class in itself. The consequence of such a view is that they take the state out of the line of fire, limit the social struggles and especially the workers struggles to the framework of bourgeois-democratic parliamentarism and in this way abuse mass struggles for the interest of certain interests of bourgeois parties. A prime example for this are/were the elections in Austria on 15 October.

Eventually the October revolution has proved that the state is a product of irreconcilability of class contradictions; that the state is a special formation of armed people, namely police, army, justice etc., a tool for exploiting the oppressed classes; that the state can only be destroyed in a violent revolution. So Marx and Engels wrote in 1871 about the experience of the Commune insurrection in “Civil War in France”: “… the Commune has brought forward proof that the working class cannot simply take the given state machinery into their possession and set it in motion for their own intended purpose.”

The bourgeois February revolution of 1917 e.g. defeated the tsarist regime but kept the bourgeois state with all its formations and continued imperialist war and occupation of foreign territories. It was October revolution that – based on workers, peasants and soldiers – destroyed the bourgeois state in an armed insurrection and established the dictatorship of the proletariat, finished imperialist war and opened the road to construction of a socialist society.

The fourth element is the ideological struggle and the slogan against imperialist and reactionary war. Victory in October revolution was also a result of a consistent struggle of the Bolsheviks under Lenin’s leadship against various shades of opportunism and revisionism both within the Social Democratic Workers Party of Russia and on a global scale. In October 1916 Lenin wrote in his text “Imperialism and the Split in Socialism” as follows: “Is there a connection between imperialism and that terribly repulsive victory which opportunism (in the form of social chauvinism) has gained over the working class movement in Europe?” The struggles of the Bolsheviks in this field show that without noticing the economic roots of this phenomenon, without recognizing its political and social relevance it is not possible to advance in the field of solving the practical issues of communist movement nor of the forthcoming social revolution. In further analysis Lenin explains, “that the capital of the advanced industrial countries has succeeded in creating a rather wide and stabile stratum of labour aristocracy by conquering colonies and gaining maximum profit etc. from finance capital.” (Lenin, Theses on the Tasks of the 2nd International Communist Congress). This minority in the working class is the source of opportunism within the working class propagating unity with bourgeoisie and so turning against the own proletariat, the exploited masses and the oppressed nations. This stratum tries to prevent the working class from revolution by making propaganda for chauvinism and reformism. Therefore also nowadays it is impossible to prepare the hegemony of the working class and the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat without systematic struggle against labour aristocracy and their ideology.

Finally the October revolution put an end to the imperialist wars that now as then are a formative feature of finance capital driving world population into misery, poverty and on flight. The slogan of October revolution, “Convert imperialist war into civil war!” stands as the only truth in direct opposition to the refined chauvinist and pacifist lies of the Second and Second-and-a-halfth International. As Lenin said, “Let’s convert this war led by slave-owners fighting for their loot into the war of the slaves of all nations against the slave-owners of all nations!” (On occasion of the 4th anniversary of October revolution). After the overthrow of the tsarist regime and the victory of October revolution the 2nd All-Russian Soviet Congress passed the decree on peace and demanded from all war-waging peoples and their governments to initiate a democratic peace. The October revolution of 1917 is the starting point of the world-wide transition from capitalism to socialism. Mankind have existed for 1 million years. The era of class society lasting for 5000 years is coming to its end. 100 years is nothing.

Imperialist war, weakest chain link, social alliances, vanguard of the working class, socialist construction. Questions and answers about the October revolution that shook the world

ATH1 war-weakest link-vanguard ENG

 

October Revolution Congress Athens, Topic 1:

Imperialist war, weakest chain link, social alliances, vanguard of the working class, socialist construction. Questions and answers about the October revolution that shook the world

IA*RKP Austria (October 2017)

The topic of this meeting – as far as we have understood – are the teachings of October revolution for today referring to following questions:

1. What significance do imperialist wars have for advancing to a socialist revolution?

2. How can the weakest link be defined at which the chain of the global imperialist system will most probably break and what does this mean for the global international communist movement?

3. What allies can and must be won by the proletariat in their struggle for a successful socialist revolution and how (with what kind of programmatic positions and tactical decisions) is this possible?

4. What are the tasks of the vanguard in preparing, making and strengthening the socialist revolution?

5. What are the main tasks in socialist construction for approaching as near as possible to the aim of a classless society – especially in a situation of encirclement by imperialist big powers? Imperialist war, weakest chain link, social alliances, vanguard of the working class, socialist construction. Questions and answers about the October revolution that shook the world weiterlesen

Kapitalistische Restauration in der Sowjetunion – Ursachen, Auswirkungen und unsere Antworten für die Bewegung

ATH3 KapRestauration-DOWNLOAD

Oktoberrevolution-Kongress Athen, Thema 3:

Kapitalistische Restauration in der Sowjetunion – Ursachen, Auswirkungen und unsere Antworten für die Bewegung

IA*RKP Österreich (Oktober 2017)

In der Sowjetunion, dem ersten sozialistischen Land der Welt, wurde knapp 50 Jahre nach der politischen Machtergreifung durch das Proletariat, der Kapitalismus als Wirtschaftsordnung wieder endgültig durchgesetzt und politisch stabilisiert. Der Form nach war es ein bürokratischer Staatskapitalismus, der von vielen nicht als kapitalistische Ausbeuterordnung erkannt wurde, bis sie von einer klassischen Form des Kapitalismus abgelöst wurde. Als Datum für die unumkehrbare Restauration nehmen wir den 20. Parteitag 1956, wo eine neue Bourgeoisie aus den Reihen der KPdSU die unumschränkte politische Macht an sich riss und alle Gegner – seien es revolutionäre KommunistInnen oder kleinbürgerliche Karrieristen und Geschäftemacher im Staats- und Wirtschaftsapparat – beiseite drängte, in den Untergrund trieb oder vernichtete.

Wenn wir die Ursachen für diesen Umbruch, diese Konterrevolution bzw. ihren politischen Abschluss suchen, dann müssen wir weit zurückgehen – bis zu den Anfängen der kommunistischen ArbeiterInnen-Bewegung. Kapitalistische Restauration in der Sowjetunion – Ursachen, Auswirkungen und unsere Antworten für die Bewegung weiterlesen

100 Jahre seit dem Oktober 1917. Die sozialistische Revolution regt an, lehrt und leitet uns

ATH2 100 Jahre OktRev-DOWNLOAD

Oktoberrevolution-Kongress Athen, Thema 2:

100 Jahre seit dem Oktober 1917. Die sozialistische Revolution regt an, lehrt und leitet uns

IA*RKP Österreich (Oktober 2017)

Die Oktoberrevolution war ein Sprung in der Geschichte der Menschheit und prägte die Ereignisse des 20. Jahr­hunderts, denn sie hat nicht nur in Russland eine grundlegende Veränderung herbeigeführt. Ihre bür­ger­lich-demokratischen Inhalt dabei waren: Säuberung der sozialen Verhältnisse des Landes von mittelalter­li­chen Strukturen, von Lebeigenschaft und Feudalismus. Sie eröffnete auch darüber hinaus für die gesamte Menschheit die Perspektive, dass eine neue Welt möglich ist. Die sozialistische Oktoberrevolution zeigte, wie die Werktätigen an der Macht im Stande sind, auf den Trümmern der alten Gesellschaft unter der Dik­tatur des Proletariats eine neue, sozialistische Gesellschaft, frei von kapitalistischer Unterdrückung und Aus­beutung, aufbauen zu können. Dieser herausragende Schritt in der Menschheitsgeschichte, welche durch die Bolschewiken, an der Spitze Lenin, in hartem ideologischem und politischem Kampf sowie mühsamer orga­ni­sa­torischer Arbeit bewerkstelligt worden war, war das Resultat einer strategischen Herangehensweise an die Revolution: der richtigen Behandlung der Frage der politischen Macht als einer primären Frage der Re­volution, verbunden mit den richtigen taktischen Lösungen, was beides für die Führung der Massen große Bedeutung hat. Das bedeutet: die Verbindung von marxistischer Theorie und Praxis, basierend auf der ma­terialistischen Geschichtsauffassung, den Gesetzmäßigkeiten der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung eines je­wei­li­gen Landes sowie die intensive politische Massenarbeit mit den Unterdrückten, vor allem der Arbei­ter­klasse. Denn diese ist das revolutionäre Subjekt in einer kapitalistisch-imperialistischen Gesellschaft, wie es Russland 1917 bereits war. Die Oktoberrevolution prägte auch die späteren Ereignisse des 20.Jahrhunderts: die zwei imperialistischen Weltkriege, die Zerschlagung des Faschismus durch die rote Armee der Sowjet­union unter Führung Stalins und die Revolutionen und Aufstände in den kolonialen und abhängigen Ländern vor allem in China und in den imperialistischen Metropolen (wie etwa in den 1920er und 30er aber auch 1968). 100 Jahre seit dem Oktober 1917. Die sozialistische Revolution regt an, lehrt und leitet uns weiterlesen

Krieg, schwächstes Kettenglied, Vorhut, soziale Bündnisse, sozialistischer Aufbau

ATH1 Krieg-Kettenglied-Vorhut-DOWNLOAD

Oktoberrevolution-Kongress Athen, Thema 1:

Krieg, schwächstes Kettenglied, Vorhut, soziale Bündnisse, sozialistischer Aufbau

IA*RKP Österreich (Oktober 2017)

Das Thema dieses Treffens – soweit wir es verstanden haben – sind die Lehren aus der Oktoberrevolution für heute hinsichtlich folgender Fragen:

1. Welche Bedeutung haben imperialistische Kriege für das Herankommen an die sozialistische Revolution?

2. Wie bestimmt sich das schwächste Kettenglied, an der die Kette des imperialistischen Weltsystems am ehesten reißen wird und was bedeutet das für die kommunistische Weltbewegung

3. Welche BündnispartnerInnen kann und muss das Proletariat in seinem Kampf für eine erfolgreiche sozialistische Revolution gewinnen und wie (mit welchen programmatischen Festlegungen und taktischen Entscheidungen) geht das?

4. Was sind die Aufgaben der Vorhut in der Vorbereitung, Durchführung und Festigung der sozialistischen Revolution?

5. Was sind die Hauptaufgaben im sozialistischen Aufbau, um dem Ziel einer klassenlosen Gesellschaft möglichst nahe zu kommen – insbesondere in einer Situation der Einkreisung durch imperialistische Großmächte? Krieg, schwächstes Kettenglied, Vorhut, soziale Bündnisse, sozialistischer Aufbau weiterlesen

Massenkündigungen beim ENERCON-Konzern im Burgenland!

    fb709-enercon-A5.pdf  fb709-Enercon-A4q

Auch zu finden unter: http://www.labournet.de/?p=122183

Die Betriebsleitung von Enercon (Zurndorf-Neusiedl/See) hat Mitte September 80 Beschäftigte beim AMS zur Kündigung angemeldet. Dazu kommen ca. 120 LeiharbeiterInnen, die ebenfalls ihren Job verlieren werden. Nach neueren Angaben (Ende September) werden 150-170 der 200 Leute arbeitslos – 30 werden vielleicht vom Bereich Installation und Aufbau an andere Arbeitsstellen versetzt.

Der deutsche Konzern Enercon ist in Deutschland und Österreich der größte Hersteller von Windenergieanlagen (WEA = Windradln) und zugleich das Aushängeschild der sogenannten Energiewende („grüne Energie“), die massiv aus Steuergeldern subventioniert wird. In Österreich beträgt der Marktanteil von Enercon ca. 50% seit das Werk in Zurndorf 2012 eröffnet wurde. Dort werden vor allem Segmente für die Betontürme produziert, auf die dann die Windräder montiert werden. Massenkündigungen beim ENERCON-Konzern im Burgenland! weiterlesen