Why we did not sign up to the “1 May 2011 Declaration” as initiated by “Maoist Road” (for reference see “People want revolution – Proletarians want the Party of the Revolution – Communists want internationalism and a new international organization” – Maoist Road 1, p.4)
The “1 May 2011 Declaration” which was signed by 10 Maoist communist parties contained a number of important and valid statements useful for the analysis of the present situation, statements to which we agree in contrast to those portrayed by various reformist and revisionist variants.
We agree to salute the “unprecedented protests and uprisings”, especially “in the Arab world and Persian Gulf”, where “the youth, the proletarians and the broad masses took to the streets and toppled or tried to topple, one after the other, the dictatorial regimes subservient to imperialism.
In the heart of the imperialist countries, working class struggles, general strikes, rebellions of students and youth are opposing the policy of reactionary governments (….) aimed at shifting the burden of the crisis on to the backs of the masses, bringing lay-offs, job insecurity, intensification of exploitation and attacks on education, health care and basic social services.
Struggles and rebellions are ranging from China to the US, from Russia to Latin America. Particularly in Afghanistan and Iraq, imperialism, mainly US imperialism, is suffering blows that prevent it from realizing its plans of occupation, invasion and geo-strategic control on important areas of the world. Its plans to sanctify Zionist occupation in Palestine through sell-out leaders have been checked.”
In particular, we also emphasize and “demand the building of revolutionary parties (we would rather specify “revolutionary communist parties”) at the height of the current clash of classes (…) based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (we would rather speak of “revolutionary communism”) able to lead the class struggle in all fields and aimed at seizing the political power without which it is not possible for the proletarians to overthrow the capitalist and imperialist system”.
Like the 10 parties and organizations who signed the declaration, we, too, “strive to answer this need for a scientific and decided leadership for the proletarian class struggle by fighting all kinds of revisionist, reformist and dogmatist deviations.”
We equally emphasize “ the huge amount of experience through 140 years of struggles and revolutions, from the birth of the Glorious Paris Commune, through the peaks of the October Revolution, the Chinese revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must learn from both our victories and defeats, as well as from our mistakes.”
Like the 10 parties and organizations signatories to the Declaration, we want to “put proletarian internationalism into practice in order to unite proletarian struggles and those of the oppressed peoples against imperialism in crisis and remain firmly united with the masses as they make history.”
And finally, we agree that “Communists must achieve a new unity of the international communist movement based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (we would prefer to speak of “revolutionary communism”) and build the international organization that we need today.” Because:
“Imperialism has no future!
The future belongs to communism!”
On the other side, this very “1 May 2011 Declaration” gives evidence of some important errors and mistakes in respect of the analysis of the present situation which we do not share and are explicitly opposed to, in particular the following:
1.) The Declaration departs from “the development of a modern fascism” in the “imperialist countries”.
2.) It says that “people’s wars are the strategic reference for the proletarians and the peoples of the world” and clearly states the necessity of “protracted people’s war” also “in imperialist countries themselves”. It regards people’s wars as ”a new and sharpening phase of the class struggle that expresses the revolutionary aspirations of the proletariat and the world peoples.”
3.) From here, it directly (!) concludes “All this indicates that the main contradiction at the world level is that between imperialism and the oppressed peoples…”
4.) Referring to the actual situation in a number of countries where “people’s wars” are being waged the Declaration states in respect of Peru that people’s war “persists and recuperates”, “in the Philippines (it) advances”, and “in Turkey revolutionary struggles led by the Maoists advance along the people’s war strategy”.
5.) Furthermore, in respect of the actual crisis, it is the “financialization” of the economy which the Declaration holds to be the “main immediate cause” of it, (presumably meaning by this the enormous expansion of speculative capital).
As regards our position, neither do we share the view of a generalized threat by “modern fascism” in the imperialist countries, nor do we find definite signs of it in Austrianor other imperialist EU member states. We disagree with the generalized strategic orientation of the revolutionary communist movement towards “protracted people’s war in the imperialist countries” and in fact, we even question the correctness of this orientation in oppressed countries where the majority of the population is living in urban areas.
On the one hand, we think it is not correct to proclaim a worldwide “main contradiction” whilst it is the main task of revolutionary communists in any country to topple their respective main enemy (in our case this is the Austrian imperialist bourgeoisie). On the other hand, we doubt whether it may be justified at all to evaluate the 3 crucial contradictions of the imperialist world system by focusing merely on the one between imperialism and oppressed peoples as being decisive for proletarian revolution, proletarian dictatorship, and socialism worldwide, and to apply this on to each and every country, irrespective of their next strategic aims which may very well differ. And even less we hold justified the erroneous view held by a number of Maoist parties who deduct from such a universal validity of Mao’s “protracted people’s war” strategy the fact that, hence (!), there was only this contradiction which was decisive for the progress of world revolution.
As regards marked progress in people’s wars in the countries as mentioned above (see 4.) we are afraid that this has not been the case in most recent years.
And finally, we hold the tendency of the falling profit rate to be at the root of the actual crisis giving evidence of the “vicious circle” of the capitalist system of exploitation whilst we regard the speculative “bubbles” etc as inevitable appearances of the periodic over accumulation and of the difficulties of valuation of capital in its imperialist stage.
For aforementioned reasons we decided not to sign the “1 May 2011 Declaration” as signed by:
Communist Party of Bhutan(MLM);
Communist Party of India (maoist);
Communist Party of India(ML) Naxalbari;
maoist Communist Party, France;
maoist CommunistParty, Italy;
Maoist CommunistParty, Turkey and North Kurdistan;
Revolutionary Party of Canada;
Unified Communist Party ofNepal(Maoist);
Committee of People’s Struggle “Manolo Bello”,Galicia,Spain;
Maoist Communist Movement inTunisia