Road to Communism

The Road to Communism

Programmatic Theses on the Road to Proletarian Revolution and Socialism in Austria

(adopted in May 2005)

Austra is a small but relatively influential imperialist country in which the bourgeoisie exercise their class dictatorship in parlamentary form. The state itself is the expression of irreconcilable class contradictions, and the state and power apparatus is fully aimed at getting through the political and economic interest of the bourgeoisie and maintanining the ruling class dictatorship. Therefore the democracy much praised by the propagandists of the bourgeoisie is only to a very limited extent a democratic form. The main beneficiaries are the members of the ruling class.

A prerequisite for overcoming these antagonistic class society is a proletarian revolution – also in Austria. The proletarian revolution – other than previous revolutions – does not aim at replacing one class rule by another. Quite to the opposite, the aim of the proletarian revolution is a classless society.

The Current System and our Perspective

1. At the beginning of the 21st century, despite the permanently rising technical developments in production, transport, communication etc. the majority of the people woldwide live in poverty and often in misery. Instead of experiencing an increase of general prosperity the popular masses are regularly confronted with crises and wars. It is the globally ruling capitalist-imperialist system of exploitation that is to be blamed, in this system the forces of production are developed extremely disproportionately. Therefore the social wealth is distributed extremely unbalanced, both on the international level and in the metropole countries themselves (the highest developed capitalist, imperialist countries).

In Austria and in other imperialist countries the technological development is used for rationalisation of production and against the interest of the workers. By unemployment and rising prices the standard of living of the toiling masses is declining.

The capitalist class, and within them the financial oligarchy (bank and industrial trusts), govern economy and politics exclusively to their own interest.

2. The capitalist class disposes of the state power, we live under the dictatorship of the bourgoisie. They can not only make use of their media and agents within the working class (esp. the workers aristocracy in Social Democratic Party, SPÖ and Austrian Trade Union Council, ÖGB) but can also advance with open terror of the police and operations of the army, and they can should the occasion arise set up a fascist form of government. That means, even if the working class through their class struggle can exercise political influence on the ruling class, in the end nevertheless the capitalists will decide.

3. Through class struggle the working class can succeed in having social reforms and can force the bourgeoisie to fulfill a few demands. For securing permanent improvements however the power of the capital must be broken. But the capitalists will never give up their power voluntarily, and with peaceful means we will never get rid of them. The working class under the leadership of a revolutionary communist party must seize the political power in an armed insurrection, must destroy the old state apparatus, expropriate the capitalist class and must assert their own class interest against the overthrown bourgeoisie by relying on their own new proletarian revolutionary state apparatus (cf. Thesis 9). Only in this way we can reach a society in which all people are really free of poverty, slavery, suppression and war. For this the majority of the working class must be convinced of the necessity of a revolutionary reorganisation of society and take charge of socialist construction.

4. On this road we communists want to gain a classless society in which all people will contribute to the general wealth and well-being and the permanent development according to their abilities, and will participate according to their requirements.

What is a Proletarian Revolution?

5. The social revolution under the leadership of the proletariat completely revolutionizes the social conditions in the political, economic and cultural fields.

6. The proletarian revolution is a permanent process lasting for many decades and starts with the armed insurrection and seizure of the political power by the organised, conscious elements of the working class.

7. In the political fields the dictatorship of the capitalist class (in its bourgeois-parlamentary, fascist-terrorist, presidential-dictatorial or in another forms) or a certain situation with two governments (old reactionary and new revolutionary) is replaced by the direct dictatorship of the working class in the form of workers councils. In the revolution the avantgard organised in the party must lay (also on themselves) claim to leadership.

8. In the economic fields the capitalist order of exploitation and the principle of maximizing profits will be replaced by a planned economy in the interest of the popular masses. A prerequisite for this is the far-reaching expropriation and socialization of the means of production in all sectors of economy.

9. In the cultural fields the bourgeois, women discriminating, nationalist and religious-obscurantist culture is replaced by a culture based on dialectic materialism serving the people.

10. In all three fields the first decisive steps are promptly set by the new state power. In doing this, however, the social revolution is not at all completed but must be advanced in revolutionary campaigns mobilizing the popular masses; otherwise the revolutionary movement is threatened to wane and endangered by a step-by-step or quick return to capitalism.

Conditions for a Proletarian Revolution

11. A fundamental prerequisite for a proletarian revolution in an imperialist country is the revolutionary crisis, in which the capitalist class cannot any longer go on ruling as up to now and the working class and the suppresed people don’t want to go on living as up to now. According to Lenin, for the emergence of a revolution the following things are necessary:  “Firstly, that the majority of the workers (or at least the majority of the class conscious, thinking, politically active workers) completely understand the necessity of the insurrection and is ready to go to death for it; secondly, that the ruling classes go through a crisis of government that draws even the most backward masses into politics (the characteristic of every real revolution is the quick tenfolding, or hundredfolding of the number of elements of the toiling and exploited masses prepared for the political struggle who were apathetic up to now), making the government weak and allowing the revolutionaries to overthrow this government quickly.” (Lenin, “Left Radicalism”, SW German, vol.31, p.71f.)

12. For this a well-organised Marxist-Leninist militant party linked to all parts of the working class is necessary to intensify the political crisis with their activities by advancing the discontent and revolutionizing the working class and suppressed popular masses. This communist militant party must be in a position to apply scientific communism in strategy and tactics in order to lead the revolutionary movement ideologically and in practice. The forms of struggle and organisation must be adapted to the situation and must be used optimally to make it easier for the masse “to recognize the correctness of the revolutionary slogans by means of their own experience – that’s the job” (J.W.Stalin, “On the Fundmentals of Leninism”, SW German, vol.6)

13. From the beginning the communist party must organise the most determined and conscious elements and build up the organisation in a way to become a fit instrument for the political leadership in the armed insurrection and the revolutionary seizure of power through the proletarian-democratic organs of the working class. It must train its militants in revolutionary theory and its practical, creative appliance, must prepare its militants to be fit for action also under conditions of illegality, and must integrate more and more progressive workers in its practice and convince them of the necessity of the revolution. The communist party serves the working class and has no interest separated from them.

14. A decisive part of the working class must be qualified to exercise the proletarian power after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie; this is done by anchoring the revolutionary theory in their heads and by practical fighting against the bourgeois state and its political, economic and cultural measures.

Chances of a Proletarian Revolution in Austria

15. In the last 150 years there have been several attempts and a number of missed revolutionary or pre-revolutionary situations. Because of various reasons but mostly because of the inexperience or irresolution of the most conscious revolutionary elements, these decisive hubs of Austrian history could not be utilized (October 1848, January 1918 to summer 1919, 1927 to 1934, the beginning of 1938, 1945, 1950).

16. The influence of reformism and revisionism within the Austrian working class played a decisive role in the missed revolutionary opportunities. In the first half of the 20th century the Social Democrats with their “Austro-Marxism” have prevented the working class from the theory and practice of revolutionary struggle, whereas in the second half of the 20th century they dulled even all unionist struggles with their Austro-Keynesianism and the institutionalized social partnership.

17. Even among communists the perspective of a proletarian revolution was thrust into the background by the fascist offensive and the rule of terror of fascism in the 1930ies and 1940ies. In the second half of the 20th century the CP Austria (KPÖ) almost completely destroyed the revolutionary orientation within the working class, first by uncritically perpetuating the peoples front as a strategy and then by applying Chrushchev-Breshnev revisionism to the Austrian situation. The ideological struggle against all these varieties of petty-bourgeois ideology and its influence within the working class is and will remain a decisive task.

18. Since the 1940ies the theory of the proletarian revolution in Austria has only insufficiently been developed what had devastating effects on the practice of the revolutionaries.

19. Not before the 1960ies the revolutionary communist pespective has again been picked up in Austria by the Marxist-Leninist Party of Austria (MLPÖ). This renaissance took place especially on the basis of the struggle against KPÖ revisionism, the struggle for reviving the line of Comintern, the struggle for a realistic assessment of the Chinese revolution and Mao Zedong, the struggle against the Theory of the Tree Worlds, and the struggle against Hoxha revisionism.

20. Now, sixty years after the Red Army and the Allies smashed fascism and twenty years after the end of the Social Democratic “welfare state” the conditions for a revolutionary turn become more favourable again. A whole generation has neither lived to see fascism nor the construction of a welfare state, but only the permanent decline of the global capitalist system since the middle of the 1980ies and more and more outrageous attacks of the capital on the working class and popular masses.

21. The subjective factors for revolution, however, stay far behind the possibilities because a big part of the class conscious elements is still fighting against fascism as the prime enemy or, throughout the long decades of “social partnership”, has not developed any foundation for independent action.

22. The chances of future revolutionary crises can only be made use of if the communists advance party building resolutely, firmly and with much impetus, and if major parts of the working class break away from the influence of the social democratic workers aristocracy and organise themselves independently.

The Road to Proletarian Revolution

23. The two main classes in Austria are the capitalist class and the working class.

In 2005 nearly 5 millions of the 8 mill. people living in Austria belong to the working class in a narrow sense (workers, supported familiy menbers, jobless and old ones).

A further 2 mill. approx. belong to the semi-proletarian, salaried ‘intermediate strata’ (esp. employees in educational, health and social sectors and their families).

The bigger part of the rest of 1 mill. people in Austria belong to the petty bourgoisie (approx. 600,000 esp. small business people and self-employed intellectual professionals along with their families).

The strongly differentiating parts of the strata of peasants and farmers make about 240,000 people (including their families), i.e. 3%, the major part of whom belongs to the petty bourgeoisie and only a very small part belongs to the bourgeoisie.

The whole bourgeoisie in Austria totals less than 500,000 people (including the approx. 230,000 salaried employees in high management with more than 40,000 Euro a year and their families).

The capitalist class in a narrow sense (i.e. the big and middle capitalists and their families) amount to approx. 100,000 people. This is the class of parasites who directly and exclusively live on the exploitation of the wage-earners. Out of those around 10,000 members of the big bourgoisie and finance oligarchy possess the essential means of production and value produced.

24. Building a militant workers united front against the politics and power of capital is decisive for a real progress on the road to revolution.The sense and purpose of the workers united front lies in combining the workers in struggle on the basis of their common class interest despite all political and organisational splittings. Here the communist party must advance the orientation to socialism and isolate reformist and revisionist forces.

Current germs of the workers united front are united action committees and platforms for special issues that include a concrete practice as well as freedom of agitation and propaganda (e.g. platforms and marches against war, joint meetings and rallies against social austerity). These forms of unity in action must be forwarded beyond numerous single actions and advanced to a front (within a stabile alliance) with the communist party keeping its political independence (“unity in action, freedom of criticism”).

25. For the building and enlargement of the united front the founding of and participation in mass organisations of the working class (progressive associations, societies, clubs) is essential especially in the cities and they must everywhere go into action where the popular masses get into contradiction with the politics of the ruling class.

In this context it is essential to advance the independent organising of toiling women (who are socially marginalized although they amount to more than half of the working class) and of working migrants (who are confronted with an additional discrimination by institutionalized racism). It depends also on their participating in struggle that sexism, chauvinism and racism are overcome as a means of anchoring the “divide and rule” policy in the brains of the masses (and building an ideological prop of reaction).

We need a militant trade union movement to wage class struggle where the foundations of the power of the bourgeoisie are laid, in capitalist production.

And of course, we must promote the organising of the working class youth because they are the future of revolution.

Therefore the revolutionary communist party must must unfold their activities in all areas where workers live and work (for wages), e.g. in forms of factory and residential area cells.

26. Beyond the mobilisation of the core of the proletariat also parts of the semi-proletarian salaried intermediate strata and parts of petty bourgeoisie can be included in the struggle through political, militant activities of these mass organisations with socialist orientation.

27. It is the task of the communists to take part in struggle committees in various fields (women liberation, anti-racism, social movement, working conditions, unemployment, anti-fascism, anti-war, proletarian internationalism, anti-imperialst solidarity, environment, homless people etc.) and to unite all these single struggles to form one united militant front against the rule of the bourgeoisie and for overthrowing it in a socialist revolution. For this it is necessary to link the struggles for real improvements with the orientation towards the revolution.

28. For directing the strike really against the whole capitalist class and the ruling order it is necessary for the Communist Party to gain the ideological hegemony within the working class, i.e. convincing them of the necessity of a violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the establishing of a socialist society.

29. The Communist Party must develop and employ their cadres in the pratice of class struggle sothat they can prove themselves well and can play a leading role in seizing the power as well as in establishing a new proletarian revolutionary state and socialist planned economy.

The Working Class Seizing the Power

30. The Communist Party must scrutinize and analyse the economic and political developmants in Austria and the European Union (and must consider the global situation, especially the development of the anti-imperialist struggles and the inter-imperialist contradictions) to be in a position of making advancing tactical decisions. They must neither run too far ahead of the movement nor trod behind it. Finally they must find the right date fitting for an armed ressurection and must plan it thoroughly with an exact plan and date for the insurrection being decided in short term.

31. In a revolutionary situation, special attention must be paid to the establishing of workers’ councils as proletarian democratic organs of insurrection that resolutely and relying on armed units will seize larger and larger areas of state power and execute the rule of the working class.

32. The Communist Party must start building proletarian militias at the right time, i.e. in times when the bourgeois state apparatus is unable to destroy the units because of the big rush to them by the most advanced elements of the proletariat.

33. On preparing and initiating the armed insurrection the Communist Party must in time pave the ground in the working class for an orientation towards a nationwide revolutionary general strike and must make arrangements for it.

34. Based on a fundamental plan for the realization of the revolution in a situation of a maturing revolutionary crisis, the Communist Party must without delay develop a concrete and current plan for the concentration of its forces at the decisive points: working class quarters but also in places where the bourgeoisie concentrates the military, political and economic main forces (e.g. barracks, means of transportation and commnication, government buildings, banks, …).

35. The initialization of armed struggle must be carried out roughly at the same time in several urban areas und must quickly be led over to a nationwide armed struggle. Mass insurections in towns must lead to the establishment of the revolutionary democratic power of the working class in an area as large as possible; then the revolutionary war assumes the form of a civil war for the complete destruction of the counter-revolutionary military formations of the old ruling class. It is decisive that the revolutionary forces do not part the initiative.

Proletarian Socialism as a Transitory Society

36. We are no utopians who want to transform society according to their nice ideas but dialectic matierialists who analyse the real development and its laws by means of our scientifific world view and, based on this, we fight a struggle for a better society.

On the basis of the economic development and the international state of productive forces it is possible to overcome class society.

37. In the struggle against the heritage of class society based on exploitation of man by man, a transitory society is necessary between the capitalist exploitative society and the classless communism – that is the proletarian socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat.

38. Since the end of primeval societies (i.e. since the beginning of class societies) socialism, the social order under the rule of the working class, is the first social order where the large majority of population, i.e. the female and male toilers of various origin are the masters of the main means of production and make the political decisions. That is a fundamental progress in contrast to all previous class societies where the exploiting minority could only maintain their power by means of dividing and baiting the popular masses. So the socialist social order also forms the foundation for the abolition of the partrarchal suppression of women in society, ecomomy and family that has lasted for thousands of years and for the abolition of racist, national chauvinist and similar forms of suppression.

39. Socialism is a dynamic transitory society from captalism to communism. That means that on the one hand the bourgeois remnants in all fields of economy, politics, in the minds of the popular masses and in social life must be pushed back further and further and be finally abolished – and for that a sharp political economic and ideological class struggle is necessary. On the other hand, further contradictions among the people not directly derived from capitalism but favouring division, suppression and exploitation on various levels must be overcome and abolished step by step (such as contradictions between town and country, man and woman, manual and intellectual work,…) If this development comes to a stillstand the danger of restauration of capitalism becomes bigger and bigger.

40. Socialism is a social order where the most important means of production are being socialized and private property of means of production is being abolished.

The big and and middle capitalist enterprises (including big landowners) are immediately expropriated. The self-employed toilers of small businesses are united in cooperatives and are included in the national economic planning step by step on the way to cooperatives of a higher level. So a nation-wide socialist planned economy is possible that advances a deliberate development of the various sectors of economy according to the interest and requirements of the working class and the popular masses by maximally including them and granting them a growing equal level of subsistence.

This development of economy not oriented on profit but planned and avoiding crises will as well fulfill the criteria of ecology as easing the working conditions and will aim at changing work from an unpleasant trouble to an elementary urge of life and a responsible and self-responsible expression of life.

41. Socialism is a class society where the previously supressed class of wage-earners hold the political power. On the one hand the revolutionary state power is used to suppress and dissolve the old bourgeoisie and other old exploiting classes, and on the other hand it is used to prevent the emergence of a new bourgeoisie. The new proletarian state power, the system of councils, is a direct, participative democracy. On the one hand it distinguishes from the bourgeois parlamentary democracy by the fact that the delegates are under permanent control of their voters, can be voted out of office at any time and do not earn more than the average wages. On the other hand the councils on all levels have legislative as well as executive power, i.e. they have to execute their resolutions promptly themselves or arrange for that, resp. The building of proletarian militias under the democratic control of workers and soldiers councils is an important state base for the real power of the working class in this transitory society. The experience from past socialist societies makes clear that the struggle against bureaucratism and for a broader and broader inclusion of the popular masses in administration is of essential significance for making the state unnecessary.

42. In socialism the formal bourgeois democratic liberties (freedom of assembly, freedom of opinion and press, …) – with the exception of the right to private property of means of production which is a central right in capitalism – are transformed into real chances for the popular masses. Especially all sorts of workers associations will be supported (e.g. by subsidizing their press and clubs) and bourgeois organisations will be smashed.

Furthermore the old and new demands of the working class movement for social rights are realized comprehensively. In the course of building socialism step by step bigger and bigger parts of the fundamental needs of the people will be covered by society for free, irrespective of one’s actual working efficiency.

43. Even though socialism cannot be gained before a big part ot the popular masses have realized the necessity of revolutionary breaking with the old situation people in socialism will still be influenced by continuing and traditional reactionary thoughts and behaviour. Socialism is a historical stage of uninterrupted conscious struggle of the working class against old and new forms of exploitation, against bureaucracy, against the remnants and tradition of the old society, for further and further extending self-organisation of the toiling masses. Therefore in the course of building socialism, repeated campaigns for the radical reshaping and reorganizing of social life in socialism (cultural revolutions) are necessary during which the popular masses carry out campaigns for reshaping the superstructure under the leadership of the proletarian party. Only in this way dynamics can be kept alive and the process can be advanced from a lower to a higher stage of socialisms and to the transition to a classless society in communism.

44. When characterizing the social order of socialism we, as an organisation, especially rely on the socio-political developments in Soviet Union in the years 1917 to 1952 (19th party congress), PR China 1949 to 1976 (overthrow of the cultural revolution group) and SPR Albania 1944 to 1976 (7th party congress) all of which we assess positive and socialist on the whole.

We however do not want to rule out that in some countries of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, GDR,…), in Indochina as well as in Cuba there have been elements of a socialist development within the popular-democratic and anti-imperialist orientation. But we cannot make out any systematic and long-standing building of a proletarian revolutionary socialism there.

Petty Bourgeois and Workers Aristocratic Currents of Socialism

45. We are separated from the leftist social democrats and revisionists especially by their theory of the possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism. Their propaganda for this peaceful road is rarely openly uttered but it is mostly manifested in the way of their total disregarding and neglecting the issue of violent seizure of power and destruction of the bourgeois state apparatus. Furthermore we do not understand socialism as a society of widely peaceful competition between working class and bourgeoisie but as a transitory stage of sharp class struggles using the proletaian state power for advancing the ever widening self-organisation of the workers. Therefore also a mere nationalisation is not the highest form of socialisation of the means of productions but its first stage.

46. Centrism is a current between the proletarian revolutionary and the reformist movement. Its political feature is tearing theory extremely apart from practice, heralding revolutionary phrases while weakening and disorientating struggles at the same time. Centrists combine radical and revolutionary words – partly even revolutionary programmatic views – with a completely reformist, bureaucratic and quietening behaviour in real struggles. A typical example is Austro-Marxism.

Referring to classes it expresses the influence of petty bourgeoisie within the working class. It goes with the attitude of radicalized workers aristocrats who are indignant at certain attacks of the capital and feel endangered in their positions – as workers representatives approved by the bourgeoisie.

Nowadays centrism comes along in various shapes. In times of undeveloped class struggle this current can only hardly be distinguished from proletarian revolutionary currents as their representatives need not prove their steadiness in resolute revolutionary struggle.

47. Some of the above criticized positions also apply to the various groups of Trotskytes in one or the the other respect. Furthermore we principally advocate the standpoint that building socialism is also possible in one country and communists must systematically aim at it unless a more favourable posiblility is currently given by a fast revolutionary progress in neighbouring countries. We are no dreamers who might believe that a small socialist country like Austria could alone withstand a hostile and aggressive encirclement for a long time. For us this is not a question of historical probability. But we are convinced that – as soon as a revolutionary situation emerges in Austria – we communists must lead the working class into a struggle for the seizure of power, for building the dictatorship of the proletariat and further for the first steps of the socialist construction. All hesitation and waiting for developments in neighbouring countries would be not only a betrayal of the Austrian revolution. Furthermore it would be a betrayal of the international revolutionary movement, for having the capability of seizing power but not doing it also means letting the possibility pass of encouraging and spurring on the working class of other countries to revolutionary action by one’s own practical example.

48. In contrast to Chrushchev-Breshnev-revisionism we emphasize that the restauration of capitalism in the Soviet Union since the 20th party congress in 1956 has inflicted a serious politcal and ideological defeat on the international communist movement. The revolutionary workers movement was brought into a defensive situation on a global scale for decades when a new bureaucratic bourgeoisie of cadres of the former revolutionary workers party seized the power und established a new order of exploitation of a special type of bureaucrat capitalism under red flags. In all people’s republics of the socialist camp this setback led to stagnation and decay that could only be efficiently fought against in China and Albania for some time.

The out-look of a socialist social order can only be brought to glow again if we clearly and understandably demarcate ourselves from Breshnev revisonism. This is an ideology of power of a new bureaucrat bourgeoisie and therefore we must decidedly citicize the revisionist countries or Eastern Europe since the 1960ies as capitalist orders of exploitation of a special type.

49. Neo-revisionists (followers of Breshnev, Deng Xiao-ping etc.) deny the importance of socialism as a period of revolutionary breaking with the bourgeois capitalist thoughts and in this way the extreme importance of the ideological struggle of the communists. They instead stress the revisionist theory of the primacy of productive forces saying that the development of the economic base be the only feature in the construction of socialism. This is mechanistic vulgar materialism and supports and obscures the seizure of power by a new bourgeoisie as it happened e.g. in China in the second half of the 1970ies. All countries with large nationalised industries and certain social politics are assessed “socialist” by the neo-revisionists.

When analizing the international situation they use various modifications of the Three-Worlds-Theory saying that not the imperturbable struggle for the overthrow of the exploiting class in one’s own country be the main task but the alliance of the peoples with the “peaceful” imperialists (“second world”) against the “war-monger number one” or the “super power” resp.

They have many parts of their revisionist theory in common with Breshnev revisionism.

50. Nowadays Euro-Revisionists do not play an important role as an independent current of petty bourgeois socialism. Until the end of the social-imperialist block dominated by Moskow they stressed their so-caled “third road” to socialism between the blocks. On the fields of theory they mainly kept distance from the socialist achievements in the Soviet Union of the 1930ies and in China in the 1960ies and their positions are quite near to Chrushchev and Gorbatchev.

51. The so-called “Self-government Socialism” is most markedly advocated by the followers of Yugoslav Tito revisionism. This and similar currents propagate a “self-government socialism” that should work without any leadership by a proletarian revolutionary party and they overemphasize the decetralisation of economy. Besides they deny the necessity of industrializing the country and collectivizing the peasantry according to a uniform plan – in reality however this is the basis of a socialist construction. The practice in Yugoslavia (or Algeria etc.) shows that under the cover of a purely formal “equality of all toilers” a small clique of bureaucrat captalists ruled the country.

52. After 1978 the followers of the Party of Labour of Albaina (PLA) and their chairman Enver Hoxha have revoked important positions of their struggle against Breshnev revisonism in the previous decade. Earlier resolutions such as “mobilizing the workers to struggle against bureaucratism”, “replacement of party bureaucrats by class conscious workers”, “obligation of all cadres to manuel work” etc. were not put forward any longer as issues of class struggle in the 1980ies – and were rejected as “petty bourgeois Maoism”. So the PLA rapproched more and more to the political positions of the post-Breshnevist state capitalists in the Soviet Union and dissolved the Socialist People’s Republic of Albania officially at the same time when Gorbachev and Jeltzin did their work.

Today the followers of Hoxha play a positive role only because they partly pick up the thread of the International Marxist-Leninist Movement of the middle of the 1970ies. Their hatred, however, and their undiguised intention to splitting against all that have any kind of positive attitudes towards the CPC under Mao Zedong is their negative feature.



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